His erratic behavior included assaulting a female superior, contemplating suicide, and several public breakdowns.
Furthermore, the content of Manning’s leaks went well beyond his specified goals of exposing “awful things, things that belonged in the public domain”.
Persuasion essays are another common type of academic writing.
This page gives information on what a persuasion essay is and types of support to use for this type of essay.
In addition to the effect on interests abroad, the motives of so called whistleblowers are often questionable.
Leakers sometimes act in self-interest, recklessness, or out of malice.The content of some 260,000 leaked cables ranged from potentially embarrassing to mundane (“We Steal Secrets”).No matter what their motivations, whistleblowers and their associates in the press are acting illegally by leaking government secrets.Disgruntled government officials or employees may seek to embarrass their employer by exposing secrets to the public.Bradley Manning’s behavior, as characterized in We Steal Secrets, was that of a disturbed and discontent individual.Future informants could be reluctant to cooperate for fear of their names being exposed.This further damages American interests in the war on terror. Law & Legal Theory Research Paper Series, Working Paper No. But those provisions cast minorities either in the role of junior partners to the decision or as perpetual veto gates. Two exceptions to the literature’s failure to regard federalism as a form of loyal opposition are David Fontana, who briefly discusses federalism in his comparative overview of “government in opposition,” Fontana, supra note 2, at 560, and Jeremy Waldron, who argues that the separation of powers and federalism, among other institutions, foster a “loyal opposition” in the United States, Waldron, supra note 2, at 22-26. Political theorists who write about “the politics of recognition,” for instance, have insisted on the presence of racial minorities on decisionmaking bodies in rough proportion to their share of the population. The formulation was inspired by a conversation with Zephyr Teachout. We typically assume that dissenters should be represented in rough proportion to their share of the population. 620 (1996), the first gay rights victory at the Supreme Court. Zeppos, The Dynamics of Democracy: Travel, Premature Predation, and the Components of Political Identity, 50 For a description of these networks, see Bulman-Pozen, supra note 47, at 1085-87; Resnik, supra note 47; and Heather K. At least until the Supreme Court deemed the program unconstitutional, giving the program extra scrutiny because it was enacted by a black-majority city council rather than a white one. We do, of course, have supermajority rules and the like. 124, 153-55 (1971) (rejecting the notion that a minority’s failure to win even a proportional share of seats is proof of discrimination lest the evidence of discrimination amount to little more than a “euphemism for political defeat at the polls”). The vote obviously matters to dissenters as well and, unsurprisingly, the diversity model dominates here as well, albeit in a less explicit form. It is difficult to quantify the damage done by those who leak classified government information to the public.Once that information is exposed to the internet, it can be accessed by anyone, almost anywhere in the world.