Essay About Race

Essay About Race-11
If you consider race, it must be because sometimes it will tip the scale. ) And the fact is that race is typically weighed quite heavily -- not as a mere tiebreaker, as innumerable studies by my organization and researchers from both sides of the aisle have shown -- so the quota/nonquota distinction is one without much of a practical difference.

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Those offices have been cheerfully and openly discriminating in favor of blacks and Latinos for some time now by weighing race and ethnicity to achieve diversity.

Are we really to believe that if they weren’t allowed to discriminate in their favor, they would start discriminating against them?

There is no legal pedigree for setting such quotas, which sound like what Justice Lewis F. had in mind when he rejected such a rationale in Bakke in 1978 as “discrimination for its own sake” that is flatly forbidden by the Constitution.

Such an aim would manifestly require discrimination against not only Asian-Americans but against any other group that is “overrepresented” in higher education -- Jews and now also Asian-Americans, high school graduates, nonfelons, children, senior citizens and so forth.) Considering the Costs But let’s suppose that you are not completely persuaded.

The problem with the educational benefits argument is that nobody really believes it.

Essay About Race Elizabeth Blackwell Book Report

In saying that the broad remedial justification is a nonstarter legally, I don’t want to leave the impression that it makes any sense logically, either.The proponents of such discrimination naturally resist having the issue framed that way, but it’s an undeniable fact.The fact that (perhaps) hard quotas are not used, or that other groups -- like children of alumni or athletes -- also receive preferences, or that factors other than race are also considered doesn’t change this.Those who defend them should consider whether they’d require them indefinitely and whether such a requirement is consistent with good race relations in the country America is becoming, argues Roger Clegg. And the was right that the willingness of the Trump administration to consider that such discrimination might be wrong was newsworthy -- both because it upsets our university bien-pensants and because it signaled a possible break with the Obama administration’s aggressive support for race-based admissions. Justice Department was preparing to begin “investigating and suing universities over affirmative action admissions policies deemed to discriminate against white applicants.” It turned out that what the Justice Department was really up to was investigating admissions discrimination against Asian-Americans at one university, named Harvard. The story was enough to reignite the ever-smoldering debate over whether our universities should weigh, in a politically correct manner, of course, skin color and national origin in deciding who gets in.That is, let’s suppose that you think, while the justifications for the use of racial preferences are not rock solid, there is at least something to them.Does that mean that we should continue to use them?The answer is no, and the reason is the obvious one that, when one does a cost-benefit analysis, one has to consider not only possible benefits but also possible costs.So here’s my usual list of the costs of using racial preferences in university admissions.(The classic defense of racial admission preferences, by Derek Bok and William G.Bowen, acknowledged that only 14 percent of black students admitted to the selective schools that the authors studied came from backgrounds of lower socioeconomic status, and the rest came from upper- or middle-SES backgrounds.) If colleges and universities want to help those who are disadvantaged, they can do so on the basis of, well, rather than using skin color as a proxy.


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